PAM, 

SOlM, 


1N£ 


INJUSTICE  AND  I31POLICY 

OF  THE 

SLAVE  TRADE, 

■ AND  OF 

££Utotri>  of  tfic  Sfvtt.mo : 

ILLUSTRATED  IN 


PREACHED  BEFORE  THE  CONNECTICUT  SOCIETY  FOR  THE 
PROMOTION  OF  FREEDOM,  AND  FOR  THE  RELIEF 
OF  PERSONS  UNLAWFULLY  HOLDEN 
IN  BONDAGE, 


AT  THEIR  ANNUAL  MEETING  IN  NEW-HAVEN,  SEPT.  15,  1791 


By  JONATHAN  EDWARDS,  D D. 

Pastor  of  a Church  in  New-Haven. 


SECOND  EDITION. 


boston:  '• 

WELLS  AND  LILLY— COURT-STREET 


1822. 


&Trtm*tfeement 


The  author  of  this  sermon  was  possessed  of  an  intellect  of  the 
highest  order.  As  a logician,  he  was  probably  inferiour  to  no 
individual  of  the  age  in  which  he  lived.  Capable  alike  of  the 
profoundest  and  most  acute  investigations,  he  brought  the  rich- 
est treasures  from  the  deepest  mines  of  truth,  and  exhibited 
them  in  a light  which  left  no  doubt  of  their  character.  In  this 
discourse,  his  mighty  powers  are  exerted  for  the  relief  of  op- 
pressed and  bleeding  humanity.  His  arguments  to  prove  slave- 
ry inconsistent  with  the  principles  of  Christianity,  appear  to  us 
irresistible.  The  writer  is  not  reluctant  to  acknowledge  his 
desire,  that  the  sentiments  of  this  discourse  may  obtain  a univer- 
sal prevalence  in  our  country.  For  Christians  at  the  south,  he 
entertains  the  sincerest  respect.  On  the  subject  of  slavery, 
many  individuals  among  them,  he  doubts  not,  maintain  opinions 
entirely  correct ; others  he  believes  are  in  error.  Slavery,  say 
they,  is  an  evil  which  admits  of  no  remedy — it  must  be  endured. 
They  fortify  themselves  in  their  conclusion,  by  the  recollection, 
that  servants  were  born  in  the  house  of  Abram,  and  that  Onesi- 
mus  was  restored  by  Paul  to  his  jnaster.  The  writer  hopes 
that  these  persons  will  peruse  this  sermon  with  attention  and 
candour.  Let  them  not  be  offended  with  the  plainness  and  se- 
verity of  some  of  the  remarks,  but  recollecting  the  time  and 
place  in  which  they  were  originally  made,  may  they  receive 
them  in  the  spirit  of  Christian  love.  The  editor,  has  taken  the 
liberty  to  exchange  a few  of  the  authors  obsolete  words,  for 
more  modern  phraseology  ; also  to  omit  a few  sentences  at  the 
conclusion  of  the  appendix.  Phocion. 


The  injustice  and  impolicy  of  the  slave-trade, 
and  of  the  slavery  of  the  Africans. 


MATTHEW  VII.  12. 

THEREFORE  ALL  THINGS  WHATSOEVER  YOU  WOULD,  THAT  MEN  SHOULD 
DO  TO  YOU,  DO  YE  EVEN  SO  TO  THEM  ; FOR  THIS  IS  THE  LAW  AND  THE 
PROPHETS. 

This  precept  of.  our  divine  Lord  hath  always  been 
admired  as  most  excellent;  and  doubtless  with  the 
greatest  reason.  Yet  it'  needs  some  explanation. 
It  is  not  surely  to  be  understood  in  the  most  unlimit- 
ed sense,  implying  that  because  a prince  expects  and 
wishes  for  obedience  from  his  subjects,  he  is  obliged 
to  obey  them : that  because  parents  wish  their  chil- 
dren to  submit  to  their  government,  therefore  they 
are  to  submit  to  the  government  of  their  children: 
or  that  because  some  men  wish  that  others  would 
concur  and  assist  them  to  the  gratification  of  their  un- 
lawful desires,  therefore  they  also  are  to  gratify  the 
unlawful  desires  of  others.  But  whatever  we  are 
conscious,  that  we  should,  in  an  exchange  of  circum- 
stances, wish,  and  are  persuaded  that  we  might  rea- 
sonably wish,  that  others  would  do  to  us  ; that  we 


t 


4 


are  bound  to  do  to  them.  This  is  the  general  rule 
given  us  m the  text ; and  a very  extensiv  e ruie  it  is, 
reaching  to  the  whole  of  our  conduct : and  is  par- 
ticularly useful  to  direct  our  conduct  toward  inferi- 
ours,  and  those  whom  we  have  in  our  power.  I 
have  therefore  thought  it  a proper  foundation  for 
the  discourse,  which  by  the  Society  for  the  promotion 
of  Freedom , and  for  the  Relief  of  Persons  unlav fully 
holden  in  Bondage , I have  the  honour  to  be  appoint- 
ed to  deliver,  on  the  present  occasion. 

This  divine  maxim  is  most  properly  applicable  to 
the  slave-trade,  and  to  the  slavery  of  the  Africans. 
Let  us  then  make  the  application. 

Should  we  be  willing,  that  the  Africans  or  any  other 
nation  should  purchase  us,  our  wives  and  children, 
transport  us  into  Africa  and  there  sell  us  into  per- 
petual and  absolute  slavery?  Should  we  be  willing, 
that  they  by  large  bribes  and  offers  of  a gainful  traf- 
fic should  entice  our  neighbours  to  kidnap  and  sell  us 
to  them,  and  that  they  should  hold  in  perpetual  and 
cruel  bondage,  not  only  ourselves,  but  our  posterity 
through  all  generations?  Yet  why  is  it  not  as  right 
‘for  them  to  treat  us  in  this  manner,  as  it  is  for  us  to 
treat  them  in  the  same  manner  ? Their  colour  in- 
deed is  different  from  our’s.  But  does  this  give  us 
a right  to  enslave  them  ? The  nations  from  Gcrma- 
ny  to  Guinea  have  complexions  of  every  shade  from 
the  fairest  white,  to  a jetty  black : and  if  a black 
complexion  subject  a nation  or  an  individual  to  slave- 
ry ; where  shall  slavery  begin  ? or  where  shall  it 
end  ? 


I 


5 


I propose  to  mention  a few  reasons  against  the 
rio-ht  of  the  slave-trade — and  then  to  consider  the 

O 

principal  arguments,  which  1 have  ever  heard  urg- 
ed in  favour  of  it. — What  will  be  said  against  the 
slave-trade  will  generally  be  equally  applicable  to 
slavery  itself ; and  if  conclusive  against  the  former, 
will  be  equally  conclusive  against  the  latter. 

As  to  the  slave-trade,  I conceive  it  to  be  unjust  in 
itself — abominable  on  account  of  the  cruel  manner 
in  which  it  is  conducted — and  totally  wrong  on  ac- 
count of  the  impolicy  of  it,  or  its  destructive  tenden- 
cy to  the  moral  and  political  interests  of  any  coun- 
ty* 

I.  It  is  unjust  in  itself. — It  is  unjust  in  the  same 
sense,  and  for  the  same  reason,  as  it  is,  to  steal,  to 
rob,  or  to  murder.  It  is  a principle,  the  truth  of 
which  hath  in  this  country  been  generally,  if  not 
universally  acknowledged,  ever  since  ibe  commence- 
ment of  the  late  war,  that  all  men  are  born  equally 
free.  If  this  be  true,  the  Africans  are  by  nature 
equally  entitled  to  freedom  as  we  arc  ; and  therefore 
we  have  no  more  right  to  enslave,  or  to  afford  aid  to 
enslave  them,  than  they  have  to  do  the  same  to  us. 
They  have  the  same  right  to  their  freedom,  which 
they  have  to  their  property  or  to  their  lives.  There- 
fore to  enslave  them  is  as  really  and  in  the  same 
sense  wrong,  as  to  steal  from  them,  to  rob  or  to 
murder  them. 

There  are  indeed  cases  in  which  men  may  justly 
be  deprived  of  their  liberty  and  reduced  to  slavery 
gs  there  are  cases  in  which  they  may  be  justly  de- 


6 


prived  of  their  lives.  But  they  can  justly  be  depriv- 
ed of  neither,  unless  they  have  by  their  own  volun- 
tary conduct  forfeited  it.  Therefore  still  the  right 
to  liberty  stands  on  the  same  basis  with  the  right  to 
life.  And  that  the  Africans  have  done  something 
Avhereby  they  have  forfeited  their  liberty  must  ap- 
pear, before  we  can  justly  deprive  them  of  it ; as  it 
must  appear,  that  they  have  done  something  where- 
by they  have  forfeited  their  lives,  before  we  may 
justly  deprive  them  of  these. 

II.  The  slave-trade  is  wicked  and  abominable  on 
account  of  the  cruel  manner  in  which  it  is  carried  on. 

Beside  the  stealing  or  kidnapping  of  men,  women 
and  children,  in  the  first  instance,  and  the  instigation 
of  others  to  this  abominable  practice  ; the  inhuman 
manner  in  which  they  are  transported  to  America, 
and  in  which  they  are  treated  on  their  passage  and 
in  their  subsequent  slavery,  is  such  as  ought  forever 
to  deter  every  man  from  acting  any  part  in  this  busi- 
ness, who  has  any  regard  to  justice  or  humanity. 
They  are  crowded  so  closely  into  the  holds  and  be- 
tween the  decks  of  vessels,  that  they  have  scarcely 
room  to  lie  down,  and  sometimes  not  room  to  sit  up 
in  an  erect  posture;  the  men  at  the  same  time  fast- 
ened together  with  irons  by  two  and  two;  and  all 
this  in  the  most  sultry  climate.  The  consequence  of 
the  whole  is,  that  the  most  dangerous  and  fatal  dis- 
eases are  soon  bred  among  them,  whereby  vast  num- 
bers of  those  exported  from  Africa  perish  in  the 
voyage  : others  in  dread  of  that  slavery  which  is  be- 
fore them,  and  in  distress  and  despair  from  the  loss 


7 


of  their  parents,  their  children,  their  husbands,  their 
wives,  all  their  dear  connections,  and  their  dear  na- 
tive country  itself,  starve  themselves  to  death  or 
plunge  themselves  into  the  ocean.  Those  who  at- 
tempt in  the  former  of  those  ways  to  escape  from 
their  persecutors,  are  tortured  by  live  coals  applied 
to  their  mouths.  Those  who  attempt  an  escape  in 
the  latter  and  fail,  are  equally  tortured  by  the  most 
cruel  beating,  or  otherwise  as  their  persecutors  please. 
If  any  of  them  make  an  attempt,  as  they  sometimes 
do,  to  recover  their  liberty,  some,  and  as  the  circum- 
stances may  be,  many,  are  put  to  immediate  death. 
Others  beaten,  bruised,  cut  and  mangled  in  a most 
inhuman  and  shocking  manner,  are  in  this  siturtion 
exhibited  to  the  rest,  to  terrify  them  from  the  like 
attempt  in  future  : and  some  are  delivered  up  to  every 
species  of  torment,  whether  by  the  application  of  the 
whip,  or  of  any  other  instrument,  even  of  fire  itself, 
as  the  ingenuity  of  the  ship-master  and  of  his  crew 
is  able  to  suggest  or  their  situation  will  admit  ; and 
these  torments  are  purposely  continued  for  several 
days,  before  death  is  permitted  to  afford  relief  to 
these  objects  of  vengeance* 

Bv  these  means,  according  to  the  common  com- 
putation, twenty-five  thousand,  which  is  a fourth 
part  of  those  who  are  exported  from  Africa,  and  by 
the  concession  of  all,  twenty  thousand,  annually  per- 
ish, before  they  arrive  at  the  places  of  their  desti- 
nation in  America. 

* If  any  doubt  these  statements,  they  are  requested  to  peruse  Clarkson's 
History  of  the  Abolition  of  the  slave  trade.  This  trade  is  at  present  carried 
on  in  all  its  horrors. 


8 


But  this  is  by  no  means  the  end  of  the  sufferings 
of  this  unhappy  people.  Bred  up  in  a country 
spontaneously'  yielding  the  necessaries  and  conve- 
niences of  savage  life,  they  have  never  been  accus- 
tomed to  labour  : of  course  they'  are  but  ill  prepar- 
ed to  go  through  the  fatigue  and  drudgery  to  which 
they  are  doomed  in  their  state  of  slavery.  There- 
fore partly  by  this  cause,  partly  by  the  scantiness 
and  badness  of  their  food,  and  partly  from  dejection 
of  spirits,  mortification  and  despair,  another  twenty- 
five  thousand  die  in  the  seasoning,  as  it  is  called,  i.  e. 
within  two  years  after  their  arrival  in  America.  This 
I say  is  the  common  computation.  Or  if  we  will  in 
this  particular  be  as  favourable  to  the  trade  as  in 
the  estimate  of  the  number  which  perishes  on  the 
passage,  we  may  reckon  the  number  which  dies  in 
the  seasoning  to  be  twenty  thousand.  So  that  of 
the  hundred  thousand  annually  exported  from  Afri- 
ca to  America,  fifty  thousand,  as  it  is  commonly 
computed,  or  on  the  most  favourable  estimate,  forty 
thousand,  die  before  they  are  seasoned  to  the  coun- 
try. 

Nor  is  this  all.  The  cruel  sufferings  of  these 
pitiable  beings  arc  not  yet  at  an  end.  Thencefor- 
ward they  have  to  drag  out  a miserable  life  in  abso- 
lute slavery,  entirely  at  the  disposal  of  their  masters, 
by  whom  not  only  every  venial  fault,  every  mere 
inadvertence  or  mistake,  but  even  real  virtues,  are 
liable  to  be  construed  into  the  most  atrocious  crimes, 
and  punished  as  such,  according  to  their  caprice  or 
rage,  while  they  are  intoxicated  sometimes  with 
liquor,  sometimes  with  passion.  % 


9 


Bv  these  masters  they  are  supplied  with  barely 
enough  to  keep  them  from  starving,  as  the  whole 
expence  laid  out  on  a slave  for  food,  clothing  and 
medicine  is  commonly  computed  on  an  average  at 
thirty  shillings  sterling  annually.  At  the  same  time 
they  are  kept  at  hard  labour  from  five  o’clock  in 
the  morning,  till  nine  at  night,  excepting  time  to  eat 
twice  during  the  day.  And  they  arc  constantly  un- 
der the  watchful  eye  of  overseers  and  Negro-drivers 
more  tyrannical  and  cruel  than  even  their  masters 
themselves.  From  these  drivers,  for  every  imagin- 
ed, as  well  as  real  neglect  or  want  of  exertion,  they 
receive  the  lash,  the  smack  of  which  is  all  day  long 
in  the  ears  of  those  who  are  on  the  plantation  or  in 
the  vicinity ; and  it  is  used  with  such  dexterity  and 
severity,  as  not  only  to  lacerate  the  skin,  but  to  tear 
out  small  portions  of  the  flesh  at  almost  every 
stroke. 

This  is  the  general  treatment  of  the  slaves.*  But 
many  individuals  sulfer  still  more  severely.  Many, 
many  are  knocked  down;  some  have  their  eyes 
beaten  out ; some  have  an  arm  or  a leg  broken,  or 
chopt  off;  and  many  for  a very  small  or  for  no  crime 
at  all,  have  been  beaten  to  death  merely  to  gratify 
the  fury  of  an  enraged  master  or  overseer. 

Nor  ought  we  on  this  occasion  to  overlook  the 
wars  among  the  nations  of  Africa  excited  by  the 

* This  declaration  we  are  happy  to  say  is  not  at  the  present  time  true  ; at 
least  as  it  respects  our  own  country.  We  can  testify  to  the  mildness  and 
humanity  of  the  treatment  which  the  slaves  generally  experience  from  the  re- 
spectable Planters  of  the  South.  Instances  of  cruelty,  we  doubt  not,  occur, 
but  we  believe  receive  no  countenance  from  public  oninion, 

9 


10 


/trade,  or  the  destruction  attendant  on  those  wars- 
Not  to  mention  the  destruction  of  property,  the 
burning  of  towns  and  villages,  &c.  it  hath  been  de- 
termined by  reasonable  computation,  that  there  are 
annually  exported  from  Africa  to  the  various  parts 
of  America,  one  hundred  thousand  slaves,  as  was  be- 
fore observed ; that  of  these,  six  thousand  are  cap- 
tives of  war;  that  in  the  wTars  in  which  these  are 
taken,  ten  persons  of  the  victors  and  vanquished  are 
killed,  to  one  taken ; that  therefore  the  taking  of 
the  six  thousand  captives  is  attended  with  the 
slaughter  of  sixty  thousand  of  their  countrymen. 
Now  does  not  justice?  docs  not  humanity  shrink 
from  the  idea,  that  in  order  to  procure  one  slave  to 
gratify  our  avarice,  we  should  put  to  death  ten  hu- 
man beings?  Or  that  in  order  to  increase  our  pro- 
perty, and  that  only  in  some  small  degree,  we  should 
carry  on  a trade,  or  even  connive  at  it,  to  support 
which  sixty  thousand  of  our  own  species  arc  slain  in 
war  ? 

These  sixty  thousand,  added  to  the  forty  thou- 
sand who  perish  on  the  passage  and  in  the  season- 
ing, give  us  an  hundred  thousand  who  are  annually 
destroyed  by  the  trade  ; and  the  whole  advantage 
gained  by  this  amazing  destruction  of  human  lives 
is  sixty  thousand  slaves.  For  you  will  recollect, 
that  the  whole  number  exported  from  Africa  is  an 
hundred  thousand  ; that  of  these  forty  thousand  die 
on  the  passage  and  in  the  seasoning,  and  sixty  thou- 
sand are  destroyed  in  the  wars.  Therefore  while 
one  hundred  and  sixty  thousand  are  killed  in  the 


11 


wars  and  are  exported  from  Africa,  but  sixty  thou- 
sand arc  added  to  the  stock  of  slaves. 

Now  when  we  consider  all  this;  when  we  con- 
sider the  miseries  which  this  unhappy  people  suffer 
in  their  wars,  in  their  captivity,  in  their  voyage  to 
America,  and  during  a wretched  life  of  cruel  slave- 
ry: and  especially  when  we  consider  the  annual  de- 
struction of  an  hundred  thousand  lives  in  the  man- 
ner before  mentioned  ; who  can  hesitate  to  declare 
this  trade  and  the  consequent  slavery  to  be  contrary 
to  every  principle  of  justice  and  bu inanity,  of  the 
law  of  nature  and  of  the  law  of  God? 

III.  This  trade  and  this  slavery  are  utterly  wrong 
on  the  ground  of  their  impolicy.  In  a variety  of  re- 
spects they  are  exceedingly  hurtful  to  the  state  which 
tolerates  them. 

1.  They  are  hurtful,  as  they  deprave  the  morals 
of  the  people. — The  incessant  and  inhuman  cruel- 
ties practised  in  the  trade  and  in  the  subsequent 
slavery,  necessarily  tend  to  harden  the  human  heart 
against  the  tender  feelings  of  humanity  in  the  mas- 
ters of  vessels,  in  the  sailors,  in  the  factors,  in  the 
proprietors  of  the  slaves,  in  their  children,  in  the 
overseers,  in  the  slaves  themselves,  and  in  all  who 
habitually  see  those  cruelties.  Now  the  eradication 
or  even  the  diminution  of  compassion,  tenderness 
and  humanity,  is  certainly  a great  depravation  of 
heart,  and  must  be  followed  with  correspondent  de- 
pravity of  manners.  And  measures  which  lead  to 
such  depravity  of  heart  and  manners,  cannot  but  be 
extremely  hurtful  to  the  state,  and  consequently  are 
extremely  impolitic. 


12 


2.  The  trade  is  impolitic  as  it  is  so  destructive  of 
the  lives  of  seamen.  The  ingenious  Mr.  Clarkson 
hath  in  a very  satisfactory  manner  made  it  appear, 
that  in  the  slave-trade  alone  Great-Britain  loses 
annually  about  nineteen  hundred  seamen ; and  that 
this  loss  is  more  than  double  to  the  loss  annually 
sustained  by  Great-Britain  in  all  her  other  trade 
taken  together.  And  doubtless  we  lose  as  many  as 
Great-Britain  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  sea- 
men whom  we  employ  in  this  trade. — Now  can  it 
be  politic  to  carry  on  a trade  which  is  so  destructive 
of  that  useful  part  of  our  citizens,  our  seamen  ? 

3.  African  slavery  is  exceedingly  impolitic,  as  it 
discourages  industry.  Nothing  is  more  essential  to 
the  political  prosperity  of  any  state,  than  industry  in 
the  citizens.  But  in  proportion  as  slaves  are  mul- 
tiplied, every  kind  of  labour  becomes  ignominious : 
and  in  fact,  in  those  of  the  United  States,  in  which 
slaves  arc  the  most  numerous,  gentlemen  and  ladies 
of  any  fashion  disdain  to  employ  themselves  in  bu- 
siness, which  in  other  states  is  consistent  with  the 
dignity  of  the  first  families  and  first  offices.  In  a 
country  filled  with  Negro  slaves,  labour  belongs  to 
them  only,  and  a white  man  is  despised  in  propor- 
tion as  he  applies  to  it. — Now  how  destructive  to 
industry  in  all  of  the  lowest  and  middle  class  of  ci- 
tizens, such  a situation  and  the  prevalence  of  such 
ideas  will  be,  you  can  easily  conceive.  The  con- 
sequence is,  that  some  will  nearly  starve,  others  will 
betake  themselves  to  the  most  dishonest  practices, 
to  obtain  the  means  of  living. 


vs 


As  slavery  produces  indolence  in  the  white  peo- 
ple, so  it  produces  all  those  vices  which  are  natu- 
rally connected  with  it;  such  as  intemperance,  lcwd- 
ness  and  prodigality.  These  vices  enfeeble  both 
the  body  and  the  mind,  and  unfit  men  for  any  vigor- 
ous exertions  and  employments  either  external  or 
mental.  And  those  who  arc  unfit  for  such  exertions, 
are  already  a very  degenerate  race ; degenerate,  not 
only  in  a moral,  but  a natural  sense.  They  are  con- 
temptible too,  and  will  soon  be  despised  even  by 
their  Negroes  themselves. 

Slavery  tends  to  lewdness  not  only  as  it  produces 
indolence,  but  as  it  affords  abundant  opportunity  for 
that  wickedness  without  either  the  danger  and  dif- 
ficulty of  an  attack  on  the  virtue  of  a woman  of 
chastity,  or  the  danger  of  a connection  with  one  of 
ill  fame.  And  we  learn  the  too  frequent  influence 
and  effect  of  such  a situation,  not  only  from  common 
fame,  but  from  the  multitude  of  mulattoes  in  coun- 
tries where  slaves  are  very  numerous. 

Slavery  has  a most  direct  tendency  to  haughti- 
ness also,  and  a domineering  spirit  and  conduct  in 
the  proprietors  of  the  slaves,  in  their  children,  and 
in  all  who  have  the  control  of  them.  A man  who 
has  been  bred  up  in  domineering  over  Negroes,  can 
scarcely  avoid  contracting  sucli  a habit  of  haughti- 
ness and  domination,  as  will  express  itself  in  his 
general  treatment  of  mankind,  whether  in  his  pri- 
vate capacity,  or  in  any  office  civil  or  military  with 
which  he  may  be  vested.  Despotism  in  economics 
paturally  leads  to  despotism  in  politics,  and  domestic 


14 


slavery  in  a free  government  is  a perfect  solecism  in 
human  affairs. 

How  baneful  all  these  tendencies  and  effects  ol 
slavery  must  be  to  the  public  good,  and  especially 
to  the  public  good  of  such  a free  country  as  ours, 
I need  not  inform  you. 

4.  In  the  same  proportion  as  industry  and  labour 
are  discouraged,  is  population  discouraged  and  pre- 
vented. This  is  another  respect  in  which  slavery 
is  exceedingly  impolitic.  That  population  is  pre- 
vented in  proportion  as  industry  is  discouraged,  is, 
I conceive,  so  plain  that  nothing  needs  to  be  said  to 
illustrate  it.  Mankind  in  general  will  enter  into 
matrimony  as  soon  as  they  possess  the  means  of  sup- 
porting a family.  But  the  great  body  of  any  people 
have  no  other  way  of  supporting  themselves  or  a 
family,  than  by  their  own  labour.  Of  course  as 
labour  is  discouraged,  matrimony  is  discouraged  and 
population  is  prevented. — But  the  impolicy  of  what- 
ever produces  these  effects  will  be  acknowledged  by 
all.  The  wealth,  strength  «md  glory  of  a state 
depend  on  the  number  of  its  virtuous  citizens:  and  a 
state  without  citizens  is  at  least  as  great  an  absurdi- 
ty, as  a king  without  subjects. 

5.  The  impolicy  of  slavery  still  further  appears 
from  this,  that  it  weai  ens  the  state,  and  in  propor- 
tion to  the  degree  in  which  it  exists,  exposes  it  to 
become  an  easy  conquest. — The  increase  of  free  ci- 
tizens is  an  incr  a.  e of  the  strength  of  the  state.  But 
not  so  with  regard  to  the  increase  of  slaves.  They 
not  only  add  nothing  to  the  strength  of  the  state, 


15 


but  actually  diminish  it  in  proportion  to  their  num- 
ber. Every  slave  is  naturally  an  enemy  to  the  state 
in  which  he  is  holden  in  slavery,  and  wants  nothing 
but  an  opportunity  to  assist  in  its  overthrow.  And 
an  enemy  within  a state,  is  much  more  dangerous 
than  one  without  it. 

These  observations  concerning  the  prevention  of 
population  and  weakening  the  state,  arc  supported 
by  facts  which  have  fallen  within  our  own  observa- 
tion. That  the  southern  states,  in  which  slaves  are 
so  numerous,  are  in  no  measure  so  populous,  ac- 
cording to  the  extent  of  territory,  as  the  northern,  is 
a fact  of  universal  notoriety : and  that  during  the 
late  war,  the  southern  states  found  themselves  greatly 
weakened  by  their  slaves,  and  therefore  were  so 
easily  overrun  by  the  British  army,  is  equally  noto- 
rious. 

From  the  view  we  have  now  taken  of  this  sub- 
ject, we  scruple  not  to  infer,  that  to  carry  on  the 
slave-trade  and  to  introduce  slaves  into  our  coun- 
try, is  not  only  to  be  guilty  of  injustice,  robbery 
and  cruelty  toward  our  fellow-men ; but  it  is  to 
injure  ourselves  and  our  country;  and  therefore  it 
is  altogether  unjustifiable,  wicked  and  abominable. 

Having  thus  considered  the  injustice  and  ruinous 
tendency  of  the  slave-trade,  I proceed  to  attend  to 
the  principal  arguments  urged  in  favour  of  it. 

1.  It  is  said,  that  the  Africans  are  the  posterity 
of  Ham,  the  son  of  Noah ; that  Canaan  one  of 
Ham’s  sons,  was  cursed  by  Noah  to  be  a servant  of 
servants ; that  by  Canaan  we  are  to  understand 


16 


Ham’s  posterity  in  general ; that  as  his  posterity  are 
devoted  by  God  to  slavery,  we  have  a right  to  en- 
slave them. — This  is  the  argument:  to  which  I 
answer : 

It  is  indeed  generally  thought  that  Ham  peopled 
Africa;  but  that  the  curse  on  Canaan  extended  to 
all  the  posterity  of  Ham  is  a mere  imagination. 
The  only  reason  given  for  it  is,  that  Canaan  was 
only  one  of  Ham’s  sons  ; and  that  it  seems  reason- 
able, that  the  curse  of  Ham’s  conduct  should  fall 
on  all  his  posterity,  if  on  any.  But  this  argument 
is  insufficient.  We  might  as  clearly  argue,  that  the 
judgments  denounced  on  the  house  of  David,  on 
account  of  his  sin  in  the  matter  of  Uriah,  must  equal- 
ly fall  on  all  his  posterity.  Yet  we  know,  that  many 
of  them  lived  and  died  in  great  prosperity.  So  in 
every  case  in  which  judgments  are  predicted  con- 
cerning any  nation  or  family. 

It  is  allowed  in  this  argument,  that  the  curse  was 
to  fall  on  the  'posterity  of  Ham,  and  not  immediate- 
ly on  Ham  himself;  If  otherwise,  it  is  nothing  to  the 
purpose  of  the  slave-trade,  or  of  any  slaves  now 
in  existence.  It  being  allowed  then,  that  this  curse 
was  to  fall  on  Ham’s  posterity,  he  who  had  a right, 
to  curse  the  whole  of  that  posterity,  had  the  same 
right  to  curse  a part  of  it  only,  and  the  posterity  of 
Canaan  equally  as  any  other  part ; and  a curse  on 
Ham’s  posterity  in  the  line  of  Canaan  was  as  real  a 
curse  on  Ham  himself,  as  a curse  on  all  his  posteri- 
ty would  have  been. 

Therefore  we  have  no  ground  to  believe,  that 


17 


this  curse  respected  any  others,  than  the  posterity  oi 
Canaan,  who  lived  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  which  is 
well  known  to  be  remote  from  Africa.  We  have 
a particular  account,  that  all  the  sons  of  Canaan 
settled  in  the  land  of  Canaan  ; as  may  be  seen  in 

Gen.  x.  15 20.  “ And  Canaan  begat  Sidon  his 

“ first  born,  and  Heth,  and  the  Jebusite,  and  the 
“ Emorite,  and  the  Girgasite,  and  the  Hivite,  and 
“ the  Arkite,  and  the  Sinite,  and  the  Arvaditc,  and 
“ the  Zemorite,  and  the  Hamathite  ; and  afterward 
“ were  the  families  of  the  Canaanites  spread  abroad. 
“ And  the  border  of  the  Canaanites  was  from  Sidon, 
“ as  thou  goest  to  Gerar,  unto  Gaza  ; as  thou  goest 
“ unto  Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  Admah,  and  Zeboim, 
“ even  unto  Lashah.” — Nor  have  we  account  that 
any  of  their  posterity  except  the  Carthaginians  after- 
ward removed  to  any  part  of  Africa:  and  none  will 
pretend  that  these  peopled  Africa  in  general ; es- 
pecially considering,  that  they  were  subdued,  des- 
troyed and  so  far  extirpated  by  the  Romans. 

This  curse  then  of  the  posterity  of  Canaan,  had 
no  reference  to  the  inhabitants  of  Guinea,  or  of 
Africa  in  general ; but  was  fulfilled  partly  in  Joshua’s 
time,  in  the  reduction  and  servitude  of  the  Canaan- 
ites, and  especially  of  the  Gibeonites ; partly  by 
what  the  Phenicians  suffered  from  the  Chaldeans, 
Persians  and  Greeks;  and  finally  by  Avhat  the  Car- 
thagenians  suffered  from  the  Romans 

Therefore  this  curse  gives  us  no  right  to  enslave 
the  Africans,  as  we  do  by  the  slave-trade,  because 
it  has  no  respect  to  the  Africans  whom  we  enslave. 

3 


18 


Nor  if  it  had  respected  them,  would  it  have  given 
any  such  right ; because  it  was  not  an  institution  of 
slavery,  but  a mere  prophecy  of  it.  And  from  this 
prophecy  we  have  no  more  ground  to  infer  the  right 
of  slavery,  than  we  have  from  the  prophecy  of  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  or  by 
the  Romans,  to  infer  their  right  respectively  to  de- 
stroy it  in  the  manner  they  did  ; or  from  other  pro- 
phecies to  infer  the  right  of  Judas  to  betray  his  mas- 
ter, or  of  the  Jews  to  crucify  him. 

2.  The  right  of  slavery  is  inferred  from  the  in- 
stance of  Abraham,  who  had  servants  born  in  his 
house  and  bought  with  his  money. — But  it  is  by  no 
means  certain,  that  these  were  slaves,  as  our  Ne- 
groes are.  If  they  were,  it  is  unaccountable,  that 
he  went  out  at  the  head  of  an  army  of  them  to  fight 
his  enemies.  No  West-India  planter  would  easily 
be  induced  to  venture  himself  in  such  a situation. 
It  is  far  more  probable,  that  similar  to  some  of  the 
vassals  under  the  feudal  constitution,  the  servants  of 
Abraham  were  only  in  a good  measure  dependant 
on  him,  and  protected  by  him.  But  if  they  were  to 
all  intents  and  purposes  slaves,  Abraham’s  holding  of 
them  will  no  more  prove  the  right  of  slavery,  than 
his  going  in  to  Hagar,  will  prove  it  right  for  an> 
man  to  indulge  in  criminal  intercourse  with  his  do- 
mestic. 

3.  From  the  divine  permission  given  the  Israelites 
to  buy  servants  of  the  nations  round  about  them,  it 
is  argued,  that  we  have  a right  to  buy  the  Africans 
and  hold  them  in  slavery.  Sec  Lev.  xxv.  44—47. 


19 


*•  Both  thy  bondmen  and  thy  bondmaids,  which 
“ thou  shalt  have,  shall  be  of  the  heathen  that  arc 
“ round  about  you;  of  them  shall  ye  buy  bondmen 
“ and  bondmaids.  Moreover,  of  the  children  of  the 
“ strangers  that  do  sojourn  among  you,  of  them  shall 
“ ye  buy,  and  of  their  families,  that  are  with  you, 
u which  they  begat  in  your  land  ; and  they  shall  be 
“ your  possession.  And  ye  shall  take  them  as  an  in- 
“ heritance  for  your  children  after  you,  to  inherit 
“ them  for  a possession;  they  shall  be  your  bondmen 
“ for  ever  : but  over  your  brethren  the  children  of 
44  Israel  ye  shall  not  rule  one  over  another  with  rigour.” 
But  if  this  be  at  all  to  the  purpose,  it  is  a permission 
to  every  nation  under  heaven  to  buy  slaves  of  the 
nations  round  about  them  ; to  us,  to  buy  of  our  In- 
dian neighbours;  to  them,  to  buy  of  us;  to  the 
French,  to  buy  of  the  English,  and  to  the  English 
to  buy  of  the  French  ; and  so  through  the  world. 
If  then  this  argument  be  valid,  every  man  has  an 
entire  right  to  engage  in  this  trade,  and  to  buy  and 
sell  any  other  man  of  another  nation,  and  any  other 
man  of  another  nation  has  an  entire  right  to  buy  and 
sell  him.  Thus  according  to  this  construction,  we 
have  in  Lev.  xxv.  43,  &c.  an  institution  of  an  uni- 
versal slave-trade,  by  which  every  man  may  not 
only  become  a merchant,  but  may  rightfully  become 
the  merchandize  itself  of  this  trade,  and  may  be 
bought  and  sold  like  a beast. — Now  this  consequence 
will  be  given  up  as  absurd,  and  therefore  also  the 
construction  of  scripture  from  which  it  follows,  must 
be  given  up.  Yet  it  is  presumed,  that  there  is 


20 


no  avoiding  that  construction  or  the  absurdity  flow- 
ing from  it,  but  by  admitting,  that  this  permission 
to  the  Israelites  to  buy  slaves  has  no  respect  to  us, 
but  was  in  the  same  manner  peculiar  to  them,  as  the 
permission  and  command  to  subdue,  destroy  and 
extirpate  the  whole  Canaanitish  nation  ; and  there- 
fore no  more  gives  countenance  to  African  slavery, 
than  the  command  to  extirpate  the  Canaanites,  gives 
countenance  to  the  extirpation  of  any  nation  in  these 
days,  by  an  universal  slaughter  of  men  and  women, 
young  men  and  maidens,  infants  and  sucklings. 

4.  It  is  further  pleaded,  that  there  were  slaves  in 
the  time  of  the  apostles ; that  they  did  not  forbid 
the  holding  of  those  slaves,  but  gave  directions  to 
servants,  doubtless  referring  to  the  servants  of  that 
day,  to  obey  their  masters , and  count  them  worthy  of 
ail  honour. 

To  this  the  answer  is,  that  the  apostles  teach  the 
general  duties  of  servants  who  arc  righteously  in 
the  state  of  servitude,  as  many  are  or  may  be,  by 
hire,  by  indenture,  and  by  judgment  of  a civil  court. 
But  they  do  not  say,  whether  the  servants  in  gener- 
al of  that  day  were  justly  holden  in  slavery  or  not. 
In  like  manner  they  lay  down  the  general  rules  of 
obedience  to  civil  magistrates,  without  deciding  con- 
cerning the  characters  of  the  magistrates  of  the  Ro- 
man empire  in  the  reign  of  Nero.  And  as  the 
apostle  Paul  requires  masters  to  give  their  servants 
that  which  is  just  and  equal , (Col.  iv.  i.)  so  if  any 
were  enslaved  unjustly,  of  course  he  in  this  text  re- 
quires of  the  masters  of  such,  to  give  them  their 


21 


freedom. — Thus  the  apostles  treat  the  slavery  of 
that  day  in  the  same  manner  that  they  treat  the 
civil  government;  and  say  nothing  more  in  favour  of 
the  former,  than  they  say  in  favour  of  the  latter. 

Besides,  this  argument  from  the  slavery  prevail- 
ing in  the  days  of  the  apostles,  if  it  prove  any  thing, 
proves  too  much,  and  so  confutes  itself.  It  proves, 
that  we  may  enslave  all  captives  taken  in  war,  of 
any  nation,  and  in  any  the  most  unjust  war,  such  as 
the  wars  of  the  Romans,  which  were  generally  un- 
dertaken from  the  motives  of  ambition  or  avarice. 
On  the  ground  of  this  argument  we  had  a right  to 
enslave  the  prisoners,  whom  we,  during  the  late 
war,  took  from  the  British  army;  and  they  had  the 
same  right  to  enslave  those  whom  they  took  from 
us;  and  so  with  respect  to  all  other  nations. 

5.  It  is  strongly  urged,  that  the  Negroes  brought 
from  Africa  are  all  captives  of  war,  and  therefore 
are  justly  bought  and  holden  in  slavery. — This  is  a 
principal  argument  always  urged  by  the  advocates 
for  slavery;  and  in  a solemn  debate  on  this  subject, 
it  hath  been  strongly  insisted  on,  very  lately  in  the 
British  parliament.  Therefore  it  requires  our  par- 
ticular attention. 

Captives  in  a war  just  on  their  part,  cannot  be 
justly  enslaved  ; nor  is  this  pretended.  Therefore 
the  captives  who  may  be  justly  enslaved,  must  be 
taken  in  a war  unjust  on  their  part.  But  even  on 
the  supposition,  that  captives  in  such  a war  may  be 
justly  enslaved,  it  will  not  follow,  that  we  can  just- 
' lv  carry  on  the  slave  trade,  as  it  is  commonly  car- 


22 


ned  on  from  the  African  coast.  In  this  trade  any 
slaves  are  purchased,  who  are  offered  for  sale, 
whether  justly  or  unjustly  enslaved.  No  enquiry  is 
made  whether  they  were  captives  in  any  war ; much 
less,  whether  they  were  captivated  in  a war  unjust 
on  their  part. 

By  the  most  authentic  accounts,  it  appears,  that 
the  wars  in  general  in  Africa  are  excited  by  the 
prospect  of  gain  from  the  sale  of  the  captives  of  the 
war.  Therefore  those  taken  by  the  assailants  in 
such  wars,  cannot  be  justly  enslaved.  Beside  these, 
many  are  kidnapped  by  those  of  neighbouring  na- 
tions; some  by  their  own  neighbours;  and  some 
by  their  kings  or  his  agents  ; others  for  debt  or 
some  trifling  crime  are  condemned  to  perpetual 
slavery — But  none  of  these  are  justly  enslaved. 
And  the  traders  make  no  enquiry  concerning  the 
mode  or  occasion  of  their  first  enslavement.  They 
buy  all  that  are  offered,  provided  they  like  them 
and  the  price. — So  that  the  plea,  that  the  African 
slaves  are  captives  in  war,  is  entirely  insufficient  to 
justify  the  slave  trade  as  now  carried  on. 

But  this  is  not  all  ; if  it  were  ever  so  true,  that 
all  the  Negroes  exported  from  Africa  were  captives 
in  war,  and  that  they  were  taken  in  a war  unjust  on 
their  part ; still  they  could  not  be  justly  enslaved. 
— Wc  have  no  right  to  enslave  a private  foe  in  a 
state  of  nature,  after  he  is  conquered.  Suppose  in 
a state  of  nature  one  man  rises  against  another  and 
endeavours  to  kill  him ; in  this  case  the  person  as- 
saulted has  no  right  to  kill  the  assailant,  unless  it  be 


2‘3 


necessary  to  preserve  Ins  own  life.  Bill  in  wars  be- 
tween nations,  one  nation  may  no  doubt  secure  it- 
self against  another,  by  other  means  than  the  slave- 
ry of  its  captives.  It  a nation  be  victorious  m the 
war,  it  may  exact  some  towns  or  a district  ot  coun- 
try, by  way  of  caution;  or  it  may  impose  a fine 
to  deter  from  future  injuries.  If  the  nation  be  not 
victorious,  it  will  do  no  good  to  enslave  the  captives 
whom  it  has  taken.  It  will  provoke  the  victors, 
and  foolishly  excite  vengeance  which  cannot  be  re- 
pelled. 

Or  if  neither  nation  be  decidedly  victorious,  to 
enslave  the  captives  on  either  side  can  answer  no 
good  purpose,  but  must  at  least  occasion  the  enslav- 
ing of  the  citizens  of  the  other  nation,  who  are  now, 
or  in  future  may  be  in  a state  of  captivity.  Such  a 
practice  therefore  necessarily  tends  to  evil  and  not 
good. 

Besides;  captives  in  war  are  generally  common 
soldiers  or  common  citizens ; and  they  are  general- 
ly ignorant  of  the  true  cause  or  causes  of  the  war, 
and  are  by  their  superiours  made  to  believe,  that 
the  war  is  entirely  just  on  their  part.  Or  if  this  be 
not  the  case,  they  may  by  force  be  compelled  to 
serve  in  a war  which  they  know  to  be  unjust.  In 
either  of  these  cases  they  do  not  deserve  to  be  con- 
demned to  perpetual  slavery.  To  inflict  perpetual 
slavery  on  these  private  soldiers  and  citizens  is  man- 
ifestly not  to  do,  as  we  would  wish  that  men  should 
do  to  us.  If  we  were  taken  in  a war  unjust  on  our 
part,  we  should  not  think  it  right  to  be  condemned 


24 


to  perpetual  slavery.  No  more  right  is  it  for  us  to 
condemn  and  hold  in  perpetual  slavery  others,  who 
are  in  the  same  situation. 

6.  It  is  argued,  that  as  the  Africans  in  their  own 
country,  previously  to  the  purchase  of  them  by  the 
African  traders,  are  captives  in  war ; if  they  were 
not  bought  up  by  those  traders,  they  would  be  put 
to  death : that  therefore  to  purchase  them  and  to 
subject  them  to  slavery  instead  of  death,  is  an  act  of 
mercy  not  only  lawful,  but  meritorious. 

If  the  case  were  indeed  so  as  is  now  repre- 
sented, the  purchase  of  the  Negroes  would  be  no 
more  meritorious,  than  the  act  of  a man,  who,  if 
we  were  taken  by  the  Algerines,  should  purchase  us 
out  of  that  slavery.  This  would  indeed  be  an  act 
of  benevolence,  if  the  purchaser  should  set  us  at  li- 
berty. But  it  is  no  act  of  benevolence  to  buy  a 
man  out  of  one  state  into  another  no  better.  Nay, 
the  act  of  ransoming  a man  from  death  gives  no 
right  to  the  ransomer  to  commit  a crime  or  an  act 
of  injustice  to  the  person  ransomed.  The  person 
ransomed  is  doubtless  obligated  according  to  his 
ability  to  satisfy  the  ransomer  for  his  expence  and 
trouble.  Yet  the  ransomer  has  no  more  right  to 
enslave  the  other,  than  the  man  who  saves  the  life 
of  another  who  was  about  to  be  killed  by  a robber 
or  an  assassin,  has  a right  to  enslave  him. — The  li- 
berty of  a man  for  life  is  a far  greater  good,  than 
the  property  paid  for  a Negro  on  the  African  coast. 
And  to  deprive  a man  of  an  immensely  greater 
good,  in  order  to  recover  one  immensely  less,  is  an 
immense  injury  and  crime. 


25 


7.  As  to  the  pretence,  that  to  prohibit  or  lay 
aside  this  trade,  would  be  hurtful  to  our  commerce  ; 
it  is  sufficient  to  ask,  whether  on  the  supposition, 
that  it  were  advantageous  to  the  commerce  of  Great- 
Britain  to  send  her  ships  to  these  states,  and  trans- 
port t:s  into  perpetual  slavery  in  the  West  Indies, 
it  would  be  right  that  she  should  go  into  that  trade. 

8.  That  to  prohibit  the  slave  trade  would  in- 
fringe on  the  property  of  those,  who  have  expended 
large  sums  to  carry  on  that  trade,  or  of  those  who 
wish  to  purchase  the  slaves  for  their  plantations, 
hath  also  been  urged  as  an  argument  in  favour  of 
the  trade. — But  the  same  argument  would  prove, 
that  if  the  skins  and  teeth  of  the  Negroes  were  as 
valuable  articles  of  commerce  as  furs  and  elephant’s 
teeth,  and  a merchant  were  to  lay  out  his  property 
in  this  commerce,  he  ought  by  no  means  to  be  ob- 
structed therein. 

9.  But  others  will  carry  on  the  trade,  if  we  do 
no^. — So  others  will  rob,  steal  and  murder,  if  we  do 
not. 

10.  It  is  said,  that  some  men  are  intended  by  na- 
ture to  be  slaves. — If  this  mean,  that  the  author  of 
nature  has  given  some  men  a licence,  to  enslave 
others  ; this  is  denied  and  proof  is  demanded.  If 
it  mean,  that  God  hath  made  some  of  capacities  in- 
ferior to  others,  and  that  the  last  have  a right  to  en- 
slave the  first ; this  argument  will  prove,  that  some 
of  the  citizens  of  every  country,  have  a light  to  en- 
slave other  citizens  of  the  same  country:  nay,  that 
some  have  a right  to  enslave  their  own  brothers  and 

4 


26 


sisters. — But  if  this  argument  mean,  that  God  in  ins 
providence  suffers  some  men  to  be  enslaved,  and 
that  this  proves,  that  from  the  beginning  he  intend- 
ed they  should  be  enslaved,  and  made  them  with 
this  intention  ; the  answer  is,  that  in  like  manner 
lie  suffers  some  men  to  be  murdered,  and  in  this 
sense,  he  intended  and  made  them  to  be  murdered. 
Yet  no  man  in  his  senses  will  hence  argue  the  law- 
fulness of  murder. 

11.  It  is  further  pretended,  that  no  other  men, 
than  Negroes,  can  endure  labour  in  the  hot  cli- 
mates of  the  West  Indies  and  the  southern  states. — 
But  does  this  appear  to  be  fact?  In  all  other 
climates,  the  labouring  people  arc  the  most  healthy. 
And  I confess  I have  not  yet  seen  evidence,  but 
that  those  who  have  been  accustomed  to  labour 
and  arc  inured  to  those  climates,  can  bear  labour 
there  also. — However,  taking  for  granted  the  fact 
asserted  in  this  objection,  does  it  follow,  that  the 
inhabitants  of  those  countries  have  a right  to  enslave 
the  Africans  to  labour  for  them?  No  more  surely 
than  from  the  circumstance,  that  you  arc  feeble  and 
cannot  labour,  it  follows,  that  you  have  a right  to 
enslave  your  robust  neighbour.  As  in  all  other  ca- 
ses, the  feeble  and  those  who  choose  not  to  labour, 
and  yet  wish  to  have  their  lands  cultivated,  arc  ne- 
cessitated to  hire  the  robust  to  labour  for  them  ; so 
no  reason  can  be  given,  why  the  inhabitants  of  hot 
climates  should  not  either  perform  their  own  labour, 
or  hire  those  who  can  perform  it,  whether  Negroes 
or  others. 

If  our  traders  went  to  the  coast  of  Africa  to  mur- 


27 


tier  the  inhabitants,  or  to  rob  them  of  then-  proper- 
ty, all  would  own  that  such  murderous  or  piratical 
practices  are  wicked  and  abominable.  Now  it  is  as 
really  wicked  to  rob  a irtm  of  his  liberty,  as  to  rob 
him  of  his  life  ; and  it  is  much  more  wicked,  than  to 
rob  him  of  his  property.  All  men  agree  to  con- 
demn highway  robbery.  And  the  slave-trade  is  as 
much  a greater  wickedness  than  highway  robbery, 
as  liberty  is  more  valuable  than  property.  How 
strange  is  it  then,  that.in  the  same  nation  highway 
robbery  should  be  punished  with  death,  and  the 
slave-trade  be  encouraged  by  national  authority. 

We  all  dread  political  slavery,  or  subjection  to 
the  arbitrary  power  of  a king  or  of  any  man  or  men 
not  deriving  their  authority  from  the  people.  Yet 
such  a state  is  inconceivably  preferable  to  the  slave- 
ry of  the  Negroes.  Suppose  that  in  the  late  war 
we  had  been  subdued  by  Great-Britain ; we  should 
have  been  taxed  without  our  consent.  But  these 
taxes  would  have  amounted  to  but  a small  part  of 
our  property.  Whereas  the  Negroes  are  deprived 
of  all  their  property  ; no  part  of  their  earnings  is 
their  own  ; the  whole  is  their  masters. — In  a con- 
quered state  we  should  have  been  at  liberty  to  dis- 
pose of  ourselves  and  of  our  property  in  most  cases, 
as  we  should  choose.  We  should  have  been  free  to 
live  in  this  or  that  town  or  place ; in  any  part  of 
the  country,  or  to  remove  out  of  the  country;  to 
apply  to  this  or  that  business;  to  labour  or  not;  and 
excepting  a sufficiency  for  the  taxes,  to  dispose  of 
the  fruit  of  our  labour  to  our  own  benefit,  or  that  of 
our  children,  or  of  any  other  person.  But  the  m> 


28 


happy  Negroes  in  slavery  can  do  none  of  these 
things.  They  must  do  what  they  are  commanded 
and  as  much  as  they  are  commanded,  on  pain  of  the 
lash.  They  must  live  where  they  are  placed,  and 
must  confine  themselves  to  that  spot,  on  pain  of 
death. 

So  that  Great-Britain  in  her  late  attempt  to  en- 
slave America,  committed  a very  small  crime  in- 
deed in  comparison  with  the  crime  of  those  who  en- 
slave the  Africans. 

The  arguments  which  have  been  urged  against 
the  slave-trade,  are  with  little  variation  applicable 
to  the  holding  of  slaves.  He  who  holds  a slave, 
continues  to  deprive  him  of  that  liberty,  which  was 
taken  from  him  on  the  coast  of  Africa.  And  if  it 
were  Avrong  to  deprive  him  of  it  in  the  first  instance, 
why  not  in  the  second  ? If  this  be  true,  no  man 
hath  a better  right  to  retain  his  Negro  in  slavery, 
than  he  had  to  take  him  from  his  native  African 
shores.  And  every  man  who  cannot  show,  that 
his  Negro  hath  by  his  voluntary  conduct  forfeit- 
ed his  liberty,  is  obligated  immediately  to  manumit 
him.  Undoubtedly  we  should  think  so,  Avere  we 
holden  in  the  same  slavery  in  which  the  Negroes 
are : And  our  text  requires  us  to  do  to  others,  as 
we  would  that  they  should  do  to  us. 

To  hold  a slave,  who  has  a right  to  his  liberty,  is 
not  only  a real  crime,  but  a very  great  one.  Ma- 
ny good  Christians  have  wondered  how  Abraham, 
the  father  of  the  faithful,  could  take  Hagar  to  his 
bed ; and  how  Sarah,  celebrated  as  an  holy  woman, 


29 


could  consent  to  this  transaction  : Also,  how  David 
and  Solomon  could  have  so  many  wives  and  concu- 
bines, and  yet  be  real  saints.  Let  such  inquire  how 
it  is  possible,  that  our  fathers  and  men  now  alive, 
universally  reputed  pious,  should  hold  Negro  slaves, 
and  yet  be  the  subjects  of  real  piety  ? And  wheth- 
er to  reduce  a man,  who  hath  the  same  right  to  lib- 
erty as  any  other  man,  to  a state  of  absolute  slavery, 
or  to  hold  him  in  that  state,  be  not  as  great  a crime 
as  concubinage  or  fornication.  1 presume  it  will 
not  be  denied,  that  to  commit  theft  or  robbery  every 
day  of  a man’s  life,  is  as  great  a sin  as  to  commit 
fornication  in  one  instance.  But  to  steal  a man  or  to 
rob  him  of  his  liberty  is  a greater  sin,  than  to  steal 
his  property,  or  to  take  it  by  violence.  And  to  hold 
a man  in  a state  of  slavery,  who  has  a right  to  his 
liberty,  is  to  be  every7  day  guilty  of  robbing  him  of 
his  liberty,  or  of  manstealing.  The  consequence  is 
inevitable,  that  other  things  being  the  same,  to  hold 
a Negro  slave,  unless  he  have  forfeited  his  liberty, 
is  a greater  sin  in  the  sight  of  God,  than  concubin- 
age or  fornication. 

Does  this  conclusion  seem  strange  to  any  of  you? 
Let  me  entreat  you  to  weigh  it  candidly  before  you 
reject  it.  You  will  not  deny,  that  liberty  is  more 
valuable  than  property ; and  that  it  is  a greater  sin  to 
deprive  a man  of  his  whole  liberty  during  life,  than 
to  deprive  him  of  his  whole  property ; or  that  man- 
stealing is  a greater  crime  than  robbery'.  Nor  will 
you  deny,  that  to » hold  in  slavery  a man  who  was 
stolen,  is  substantially  the  same  crime  as  to  steal  him. 


30 


These  principles  being  undeniable,  I leave  it  to  your- 
selves to  draw  the  plain  and  necessary  consequence. 
And  if  your  consciences  shall,  in  spite  of  all  opposi- 
tion, tell  you,  that  while  you  hold  your  Negroes  in 
slavery,  you  do  wrong,  exceedingly  wrong ; that  you 
do  not,  as  you  would  that  men  should  do  to  you  ; 
that  you  commit  sin  in  the  sight  of  God ; that  you 
daily  violate  the  plain  rights  of  mankind,  and  that  in 
a higher  degree,  than  if  you  committed  theft  or  rob- 
bery ; let  me  beseech  you  not  to  stifle  this  convic- 
tion, but  attend  to  it  and  act  accordingly ; lest  you 
add  to  your  former  guilt,  that  of  sinning  against  the 
light  of  truth,  and  of  your  own  consciences. 

To  convince  yourselves,  that  your  information 
being  the  same,  to  hold  a Negro  slave  is  a greater 
sin  than  fornication,  theft  or  robbery,  you  need  only 
bring  the  matter  home  to  yourselves.  1 am  willing 
to  appeal  to  your  own  consciences,  whether  you 
would  not  judge  it  to  be  a greater  sin  for  a man  to 
hold  you  or  your  child  during  life  in  such  slavery,  as 
that  of  the  Negroes,  than  for  him  to  indulge  in  one 
instance  of  licentious  conduct  or  in  one  instance  to 
steal  or  rob.  Let  conscience  speak,  and  I will  sub- 
mit to  its  decision. 

This  question  seems  to  be  clearly  decided  by  re- 
velation. Exod.  xxi.  16.  “He  that  stealeth  a man 
“ and  selleth  him,  or  if  he  be  found  in  his  hand, 
“ he  shall  surely  be  put  to  death.”  Thus  death  is, 
by  the  divine  express  declaration,  the  punishment 
due  to  the  crime  of  man-stealing.  But  death  is  not 
the  punishment  declared  by  God  to  be  due  to  for- 


nication,  theft  or  robbery  in  common  cases.  There~ 
fore  we  have  the  divine  authority  to  assert,  that  man- 
stealing  is  a greater  crime  than  fornication,  theft  or 
robbery.  Now  to  bold  in  slavery  a man  who  has  a 
right  to  liberty,  is  substantially  the  same  crime  as  to 
deprive  him  of  his  liberty.  And  to  deprive  of  li- 
berty and  reduce  to  slavery,  a man  who  has  a right 
to  liberty,  is  man-stealing.  For  it  is  immaterial 
whether  he  be  taken  and  reduced  to  slavery  clan- 
destinely or  by  open  violence.  Therefore  if  the 
Negroes  have  a right  to  liberty,  to  hold  them  in 
slavery  is  man-stealing,  which  we  have  seen  is,  by 
God  himself,  declared  to  be  a greater  crime  than 
fornication,  theft  or  robbery. 

Perhaps,  though  this  truth  be  clearly  demon- 
strable both  from  reason  and  revelation,  you  scarce- 
ly dare  receive  it,  because  it  seems  to  bear  hardly 
on  the  characters  of  our  pious  fathers,  who  held 
slaves.  But  they  did  it  ignorantly  and  in  unbelief 
of  the  truth ; as  Abraham,  Jacob,  David  and  Solo- 
mon were  ignorant,  that  polygamy  or  concubinage 
was  wrong.  As  to  domestic  slavery  our  fathers  lived 
in  a time  of  ignorance  which  God  winked  at  ; but  now 
he  commandeth  all  men  every  where  to  repent  of  this 
wickedness,  and  to  break  off  this  sin  by  righteousness, 
and  this  iniquity  by  shewing  mercy  to  the  poor , if  it 
may  be  a lengthening  out  of  their  tranquillity.  You 
therefore  to  whom  the  present  blaze  of  light  as  to 
this  subject  has  reached,  cannot  sin  at  so  cheap  a 
rate  as  our  fathers. 

But  methinks  I hear  some  say,  I have  bought  my 


32 


Negro  ; I have  paid  a large  sum  for  him  ; I cannot 
lose  this  sum,  and  therefore  I cannot  manumit  him. 
— Alas ! this  is  hitting  the  nail  on  the  head.  This 
brings  into  view  the  true  cause  which  makes  it  so 
difficult  to  convince  men  of  what  is  right  in  this 
case — You  recollect  the  story  of  Amaziah’s  hiring 
an  hundred  thousand  men  of  Israel,  for  an  hundred 
talents,  to  assist  him  against  the  Edomites ; and  that 
when  by  the  word  of  the  Lord,  he  was  forbidden  to 
take  those  hired  men  with  him  to  the  war,  he  cried 
out,  “ But  what  shall  we  do  for  the  hundred  talents, 
u which  I have  given  to  the  army  of  Israel  ?”  In 
this  case,  the  answer  of  God  was,  “ The  Lord  is 
“ able  to  give  thee  much  more  than  this.” — To  ap- 
ply this  to  the  subject  before  us,  God  is  able  to 
give  thee  much  more  than  thou  shalt  lose  by  manu- 
mitting thy  slave. 

You  may  plead,  that  you  use  your  slave  well ; 
vou  are  not  cruel  to  him,  but  feed  and  clothe  him 
comfortably,  &c.  Still  every  day  you  rob  him  of  a 
most  valuable  and  important  right.  And  a highway- 
man, who  robs  a man  of  his  money  in  the  most  easy 
and  complaisant  manner,  is  still  a robber ; and  mur- 
der may  be  effected  in  a manner  the  least  cruel  and 
tormenting;  still  it  is  murder. 

Having  now  taken  that  view  of  our  subject,  which 
was  proposed,  we  may  in  reflection  see  abundant 
reason  to  acquiesce  in  the  institution  of  this  society. 
If  the  slave-trade  be  unjust,  and  as  gross  a violation 
of  the  rights  of  mankind,  as  would  be,  ii  the  Afri- 
cans should  transport  us  into  perpetual  slavery  in 


33 


Af  rica;  to  unite  our  influence  against  it,  is  a duty 
which  we  owe  to  mankind,  to  ourselves  and  to  God 
too.  It  is  but  doing  as  we  would  that  men  should 
do  to  us. — Nor  is  it  enough  that  we  have  formed 
the  society ; we  must  do  the  duties  of  it.  The  first 
of  these  is.  to  put  an  end  to  the  slave-trade.  The 
second  is  to  relieve  those  who,  contrary  to  the  laws 
of  the  country,  arc  holden  in  bondage.  Another  is 
to  defend  those  in  their  remaining  legal  and  natural 
rights,  who  are  by  law  holden  in  bondage.  Another 
and  not  the  least  important  object  of  this  society,  I 
conceive  to  be,  to  increase  and  disperse  the  light  of 
truth  with  respect  to  the  subject  of  African  slavery, 
and  so  prepare  the  way  for  its  total  abolition.  For 
until  men  in  general  are  convinced  of  the  injustice 
of  the  trade  and  of  the  slavery  itself,  comparatively 
little  can  be  done  to  effect  the  most  important  pur- 
poses of  the  institution. 

It  is  not  to  be  doubted,  that  the  trade  is  even 
now  carried  on  from  this  state.  Vessels  are  from 
time  to  time  fitted  out  for  the  coast  of  Africa,  to 
transport  the  Negroes  to  the  West-Indies  and  other 
parts.  Nor  will  an  end  be  put  to  this  trade,  with- 
out vigilance  and  strenuous  exertion  on  the  part  of 
this  society,  or  other  friends  of  humanity,  nor  with- 
out a patient  enduring  of  the  opposition  and  odium 
of  all  who 'are  concerned  in  it,  of  their  friends  and 
of  all  who  are  of  the  opinion  that  it  is  justifiable. 
Among  these  A\e  are  doubtless  to  reckon  some  of 
large  property  and  considerable  influence.  And  if 
the  latvs  and  customs  of  the  country  equally  alloAv- 

5 


34 


ed  of  it,  many,  and  perhaps  as  many  as  now  plead 
for  the  right  of  the  African  slave-trade,  would  plead 
for  the  right  of  kidnapping  us,  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  and  of  selling  us  into  perpetual  slave- 
ry.— If  then  we  dare  not  incur  the  displeasure  of 
such  men,  we  may  as  well  dissolve  the  society,  and 
leave  the  slave-trade  to  be  carried  on,  and  the  Ne- 
groes to  be  kidnapped,  and  though  free  in  this  state, 
to  be  sold  into  perpetual  slavery  in  distant  parts,  at 
the  pleasure  of  any  man,  who  wishes  to  make  gain 
by  such  abominable  practices. 

Though  we  must  expect  opposition,  yet  if  we  be 
steady  and  persevering,  we  need  not  fear,  that  we 
shall  fail  of  success.  The  advantages,  which  the 
cause  has  already  gained,  are  many  and  great. 
Thirty  years  ago  scarcely  a man  in  this  country 
thought  either  the  slave-trade  or  the  slavery  of  Ne- 
groes to  be  wrong.  But  now  how  many  and  able 
advocates  in  private  life,  in  our  legislatures,  in  Con- 
gress, have  appeared  and  have  openly  and  irrefra- 
gably  pleaded  the  rights  of  humanity  in  this  as  well 
as  other  instances?  Nay,  the  great  body  of  the  peo- 
ple from  New-Hampshire  to  Virginia  inclusively, 
have  obtained  such  light,  that  in  all  those  states  the 
further  importation  of  slaves  is  prohibited  by  law. 
And  in  Massachusetts  and  New-Hampshire,  slavery 
is  totally  abolished. 

Nor  is  the  light  concerning  this  subject  confined 
to  America.  It  hath  appeared  with  great  clearness 
in  France,  and  produced  remarkable  effects  in  the 
National  Assembly.  It  hath  also  shone  in  bright 


35 


beams  in  Grcat-Britain.  It  flashes  with  splendour 
in  the  writings  of  Clarkson  and  in  the  proceedings 
of  several  societies  formed  to  abolish  the  slave-trade. 
Nor  hath  it  been  possible  to  shut  it  out  of  the  Brit- 
ish parliament.  This  light  is  still  increasing,  and  in 
time  will  crtect  a total  revolution.  And  if  we  judge 
of  the  future  by  the  past,  within  fifty  years  from 
this  time,  it  will  be  as  shameful  for  a man  to  hold  a 
Negro  slave,  as  to  be  guilty  of  common  robbery  or 
theft.  But  it  is  our  duty  to  remove  the  obstacles 
which  intercept  the  rays  of  this  light,  that  it  may 
reach  not  only  public  bodies,  but  every  individual. 
And  when  it  shall  have  obtained  a general  spread, 
shall  have  dispelled  all  darkness,  and  slavery  shall 
be  no  more ; it  will  be  an  honour  to  be  recorded  in 
history,  as  a society  which  was  formed,  and  which 
exerted  itself  with  vigour  and  fidelity,  to  bring  about 
an  event  so  necessary  and  conducive  to  the  interests 
of  humanity  and  virtue,  to  the  support  of  the  rights 
and  to  the  advancement  of  the  happiness  of  man- 
kind. 


3f$j)rt(9fr 


Some  objections  to  the  doctrine  of  the  preceding  sermon, 
have  been  mentioned  to  the  author,  since  the  delivery  of  it. 
Of  these  it  may  be  proper  to  take  some  notice. 

1.  The  slaves  are  in  a better  situation  than  that  in 
which  they  were  in  their  own  country  ; especially  as  they 
have  opportunity  to  know  the  Christian  religion  and  to  se- 
cure the  saving  blessings  of  it.  Therefore  it  is  not  an  inju- 
ry, but  a benefit  to  bring  them  into  this  country,  even 
though  their  importation  be  accompanied  and  followed  with 
slavery.  It  is  also  said,  that  the  situation  of  many  Negroes 
under  their  masters  is  much  better,  than  it  would  be,  were 
they  free  in  this  country  ; that  they  are  much  better  fed  and 
clothed,  and  are  much  more  happy ; that  therefore  to  hold 
them  in  slavery  is  so  far  from  a crime,  that  it  is  a meritori- 
ous act. 

With  regard  to  these  pleas,  it  is  to  be  observed,  that  eve- 
ry man  hath  a right  to  judge  concerning  his  own  happiness, 
and  to  choose  the  means  of  obtaining  or  promoting  it ; and 
to  deprive  him  of  this  right  is  thG  very  injury  of  which  we 
complain ; it  is  to  enslave  him.  Because  we  judge,  that 
the  Negroes  are  more  happy  in  this  country,  in  a state  of 
slavery,  than  in  the  enjoyment  of  liberty  in  Africa,  we  have 
no  more  right  to  enslave  them  and  bring  them  into  this  coun- 
try, than  we  have  to  enslave  any  of  our  neighbours,  who 
we  judge  would  be  more  happy  under  our  control,  than  they 
are  at  present  under  their  own.  Let  us  make  the  case  our 
own.  Should  avc  believe,  that  we  were  justly  treated,  if 
' the  Africans  should  carry  us  into  perpetual  slavery  in  Af- 
rica, on  the  ground  that  they  judged,  that  we  should  be 
more  happy  in  that  state,  than  in  our  present  situation  ? 

As  to  the  opportunity  which  the  Negroes  in  this  country 
are  said  to  have,  to  become  acquainted  with  Christianity ; 
this  with  respect. to  many  is  granted : But  what  follows  from 
it  ? it  would  be  ridiculous  to  pretend,  that  this  is  the  motive 


37 


on  which  they  act  who  import  them,  or  they  who  buy  and 
hold  them  in  slavery.  Or  if  this  were  the  motive,  it  would 
not  sanctify  either  the  trade  or  the  slavery.  We  arc  not  at 
liberty  to  do  evil,  that  good  may  come  ; to  commit  a crime 
more  aggravated  than  theft  or  robbery,  that  we  may  make  a 
proselyte  to  Christianity.  Neither  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
nor  any  one  of  his  apostles  has  taught  us  this  mode  of  pro- 
pagating the  faith. 

2.  It  is  said,  that  the  doctrine  of  the  preceding  sermon 
imputes  that  as  a crime  to  individuals,  which  is  owing  to  the 
state  of  society.  This  is  granted  ; and  what  follows?  It  is 
owing  to  the  state  of  society,  that  our  neighbours,  the  Indians 
roast  their  captives  : and  docs  it  hence  follow,  that  such  con- 
duct is  not  to  be  imputed  to  the  individual  agents  as  a crime  ? 
It  is  owing  to  the  state  of  society  in  Popish  countries,  that 
thousands  worship  the  beast  and  his  image  : and  is  that 
worship  therefore  not  to  be  imputed  as  a crime  to  those, 
who  render  it  ? Read  the  Revelation  of  St.  John.  The 
state  of  society  is  such,  that  drunkenness  and  adultery  are 
very  common  in  some  countries ; but  will  it  follow",  that 
those  vices  are  innocent  in  those  countries  ? 

3.  If  I be  ever  so  willing  to  manumit  my  slave,  I cannot 
do  it  without  being  holden  to  maintain  him,  when  he  shall  be 
sick  or  shall  be  old  and  decrepit.  Therefore  1 have  aright 
to  hold  him  as  a slave. — The  same  argument  will  prove,  that 
you  have  a right  to  enslave  your  children  or  your  parents  : 
as  you  are  equally  holden  to  maintain  them  in  sickness  and 
in  decrepit  old  age. — The  argument  implies,  that  in  order  to 
secure  the  money,  which  you  are  afraid  the  laws  of  your 
country  will  some  time  or  other  oblige  you  to  pay;  it  is 
right  for  you  to  rob  a free  man  of  his  liberty  or  be  guilty  of 
man-stealing.  On  the  ground  of  this  argument  every  towrn 
or  parish  obligated  by  law,  to  maintain  its  helpless  poor,  has 
a right  to  sell  into  perpetual  slavery  all  the  people,  who  may 
probably  or  even  possibly  occasion  a public  expence. 

4.  After  all.  it  is  not  safe  to  manumit  the  Negroes  : they 
would  cut  our  throats ; they  would  endanger  the  peace  and 
government  of  the  state.  Or  at  least  they  would  be  so  idle, 
that  they  would  not  provide  themselves  with  necessaries : of 
course  they  must  live  by  thievery  and  plundering. 

This  objection  requires  a different  answrer,  as  it  respects 
the  northern,  and  as  it  respects  the  southern  states.  As  it 
respects  the  northern,  in  which  slaves  are  so  few,  there  is 


30 


not  the  least  foundation  to  imagine,  that  they  would  com- 
bine or  make  insurrection  against  the  government;  or  that 
they  would  attempt  to  murder  their  masters.  They  are 
much  more  likely  to  kill  their  masters,  in  order  to  obtain 
their  liberty,  or  to  revenge  the  abuse  they  receive,  while  it 
is  still  continued,  than  to  do  it  after  the  abuse  hath  ceased, 
and  they  are  restored  to  their  liberty.  In  this  case,  they 
would  from  a sense  of  gratitude,  or  at  least  from  a convic- 
tion of  the  justice  of  their  masters,  feel  a strong  attachment, 
instead  of  a murderous  disposition. 

Nor  is  there  the  least  danger,  but  that  by  a proper  vigi- 
lance of  the  selectmen,  and  by  a strict  execution  of  the  laws 
now  existing,  the  Negroes  might  in  a tolerable  degree  be 
kept  from  idleness  and  pilfering. 

All  this  hath  been  verified  by  experiment.  In  Massachu- 
setts, all  the  Negroes  in  the  commonwealth  were  by  their 
new  constitution  liberated  in  a day : and  none  of  the  ill 
consequences  objected  followed  either  to  the  common- 
wealth or  to  individuals. 

With  regard  to  the  southern  states,  the  case  is  different. 
The  negroes  in  some  parts  of  those  states  are  a great  ma- 
jority of  the  whole,  and  therefore  the  evils  objected  would, 
in  case  of  a general  manumission  at  once,  be  more  likely  to 
take  place.  But  in  the  first  place  there  is  no  prospect,  that 
the  conviction  of  the  truth  exhibited  in  the  preceding  dis- 
course, will  at  once,  take  place  in  the  minds  of  all  the  holders 
of  slaves.  The  utmost  that  can  be  expected,  is  that  it  will 
take  place  gradually  in  one  after  another,  and  that  of  course 
the  slaves  will  be  gradually  manumitted.  Therefore  the 
evils  of  a general  manumission  at  once,  arc  dreaded  without 
reason. 

If  in  any  state  the  slaves  should  be  manumitted  in  con- 
siderable numbers  at  once,  or  so  that  the  number  of  free 
Negroes  should  become  large ; various  measures  might  be 
concerted  to  prevent  the  evils  feared.  One  I beg  leave  to  pro- 
pose : That  overseers  of  the  free  Negroes  be  appointed  from 
among  themselves,  who  shall  be  empowered  to  inspect  the 
morals  and  management  of  the  rest,  and  report  to  proper 
authority,  those  who  are  vicious,  idle  or  incapable  of  man- 
aging their  own  affairs,  and  that  such  authority  dispose  of 
them  under  proper  masters  for  a year  or  other  term,  as  is 
done,  perhaps  in  all  the  states,  with  regard  to  the  poor 
white  people  in  like  manner  vicious,  idle  or  incapable  of 


39 


management.  Such  black  overseers  would  naturally  be 
ambitious  to  dischagethe  duties  of  their  olfice  ; they  would 
in  many  respects  have  much  more  influence  than  white  men 
with  their  countrymen : and  other  Negroes  looking  for- 
ward to  the  same  honourable  distinction,  would  endeavour 
to  deserve  it  by  their  improvement  and  good  conduct. 

But  after  all,  this  whole  objection,  if  it  were  ever  so  en- 
tirely founded  on  truth ; if  the  freed  Negroes  would  proba- 
bly rise  against  their  masters,  or  combine  against  govern- 
ment ; rests  on  the  same  ground,  as  the  apology  of  the  rob- 
ber. who  murders  the  man  whom  he  has  robbed.  Says  the 
robber  to  himself,  1 have  robbed  this  man,  and  now  if  I let 
him  go  he  will  kill  me,  or  he  will  complain  to  authority  and 
1 shall  be  apprehended  and  hung.  1 must  therefore  kill 
him.  There  is  no  other  way  of  safety  for  me. — The  coin- 
cidence between  this  reasoning  and  that  of  the  objection 
under  consideration,  must  be  manifest  to  all.  And  if  this 
reasoning  of  the  robber  be  inconclusive;  if  the  robber  have 
no  right  on  that  ground  to  kill  the  man  whom  he  hath  rob- 
bed ; neither  have  the  slave-holders  any  more  right  to  con- 
tinue to  hold  their  slaves.  If  the  robber  ought  to  spare  the 
life  of  the  man  robbed,  take  his  own  chance  and  esteem 
himself  happy,  if  he  can  escape  justice ; so  the  slave-holders 
ought  immediately  to  let  their  slaves  go  free,  treat  them 
with  the  utmost  kindness,  by  such  treatment  endeavour  to 
pacify  them  with  respect  to  past  injuries,  and  esteem  them- 
selves happy,  if  they  can  compromise  the  matter  in  this 
manner.* 

In  all  countries  in  which  the  slaves  are  a majority  of  the 
inhabitants,  the  masters  lie  in  a great  measure  at  the  mercy 
of  the  slaves,  and  may  most  rationally  expect  sooner  or 
later,  to  be  cut  off-,  or  driven  out  by  the  slaves,  or  to  be  re- 
duced to  the  same  level  and  to  be  mingled  with  them  into 

♦Some  exceptionable  sentences  may  perhaps  be  found  in  this  Discourse. 
We  cannot  altogether  agree  with  the  Reverend  Author  in  this  passage.  His 
reasoning  will  apply  in  its  full  force  to  slave-traders.  The  present  slave-holders 
stand,  we  think,  upon  different  ground.  We  however  hope  that  these  will 
soon  be  convinced,  that  it  is  an  immediate  and  imperious  duty , to  adopt  plans, 
and  proceed  with  energy  in  the  execution  of  them,  w-hich  shall  terminate  in 
universal  emancipation.  Every  master  of  slaves,  enlightened  on  this  subject, 
who  does  not  act,  (as  far  as  the  regulations  of  government  will  permit,  and 
who  does  not  exert  his  influence  to  change  the  law,  where  it  opposes  his  de- 
sign,) with  reference  to  the  accomplishment  of  this  end,  is,  we  believe,  re- 
garded by  God  as  an  enemy  of  the  human  race.  We  cannot,  we  weuldnot, 
speak  with  moderation  of  a principle  which  would  bind  down  millions  of  our 
race,  to  ignorance  and  the  chains  of  perpetual  servitude. 


40 


one  common  mass.  This  I think  is  by  ancient  and  modern 
events  demonstrated  to  be  the  natural  and  necessary  course 
of  human  affairs.  The  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of 
water  among  the  Israelites,  the  Helots  among  the  Lacede- 
monians, the  slaves  among  the  Romans,  the  villains  and  vas- 
sals in  most  of  the  kingdoms  of  Europe  under  the  feudal 
system,  have  long  since  mixed  with  the  common  mass  of  the 
people,  and  shared  the  common  privileges  and  honours  of 
their  respective  countries.  And  in  the  French  West-Indies 
the  Mulattoes  and  free  Negroes  are  already  become  so  nu- 
merous and  powerful  a body,  as  to  be  allowed  by  the  Na- 
tional Assembly  to  enjoy  the  common  rights  and  honours  of 
free  men.  These  facts  plainly  show,  what  the  whites  in  the 
West-Indies  and  the  Southern  States  are  to  expect  concern- 
ing their  posterity,  that  it  will  infallibly  be  amalgamated 
with  the  slave  population,  or  else  they  must  quit  the  country 
to  the  Africans  Avhom  they  have  hitherto  holdcn  in  bon- 
dage.* 

* We  trust  that  evils  like  these  will  be  known  only  in  imagination.  But 
v.hat  shall  prevent  them  ? Nothing  but  united  and  strenuous  efforts  in  the 
execution  of  a plan  similar  to  that  which  has  been  devised  by  the  American 
Colonization  Society. — Let  this  Association  receive  universal  support.  . 


